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Smart Politics Misses the Point on Bachmann's Media Blitz

by: Charlie Quimby

Mon Apr 20, 2009 at 18:19:28 PM CDT


(I am a Bachmann analysis junkie, for I cannot figure why she is fundraising MORE money. - promoted by Grace Kelly)

Smart Politics implies Michele Bachmann's mad pursuit of the national right wing media is a strategy for raising money at home.

In short, Congresswoman Bachmann's increased profile is generating her more support at the grass roots level - particularly in Minnesota. This growth can be seen by the fact that Bachmann raised 77.3 percent more money in contributions from individuals in Q1 2009 than in Q1 2007. Bachmann even raised 5.0 percent more money from individuals in Q1 2009 than in Q1 2008 - an election year.

Now, Eric Ostermeier of Smart Politics has a PhD in Political Science and I only have a BA in Detecting BS, but I do beg to differ.

First, we don't know if there is any correlation between national media appearances and increased fundraising of any type. Second, the sort of national media Rep. Bachmann is pursuing - Hannity, Glenn Beck, O'Reilly, etc. - are the most receptive outlet for her extremist views. Actual news media, including those in her home district, have higher standards. (Do read the St. Cloud Times link.)

Charlie Quimby :: Smart Politics Misses the Point on Bachmann's Media Blitz

Let's take his observations in order.

Congresswoman Bachmann's media blitz is actually landing her a greater percentage of funds raised statewide.


True, Bachmann has raised one percentage point more from Minnesota donors for the quarter than a year ago when she was running for re-election. But she's pulling in a smaller percentage from the state than in 2005 and 2006 when she was first running for national office.

The real story, I think, could be that Bachmann's 1Q 2009 increase in contributions -
both in dollar and percentage terms - was her smallest year-over-year gain ever.

Ostermeier's great revelation, by the way, hinges on a very small swing. National donors gave about $1,000 less and Minnesota donors gave $12,000 more in an off-cycle year. 

Bachman's national profile seems to be generating an increasing percentage of contributions from individuals, as opposed to
PACS.


Again, there's been no causation established between increased fund raising and making controversial statements and playing loose with the facts. I think a very reasonable premise could be that PACs have figured out Rep. Bachmann will be totally useless in advancing any agenda in Congress. That's been her record so far, and her loony and uncivil critiques will make her even less effective, if that's even possible.

A PAC would rationally redeploy its support to more effective advocates. Individuals might not make their contributions on the same basis.

I will leave it to commentators who are happy digging through FEC reports to add more to the critique. For example, does that $12,000 increase from Minnesota really represent "more support at the grass roots level"?

The conclusion to be drawn from Bachmann's aggressive media strategy seems quite obvious. She's gotten to where she is by being an attention whore (if there's a more respectful and equally descriptive way to say it, please let me know). And when you get free attention - especially from the media that reach your core voters - money is secondary.

- Charlie Quimby, cross posted at Across the Great Divide
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"Attention junkie" is probably a better way to say it.

Anyway, the last time I looked through Bachmann donations was prior to her first election to Congress. I want to comment on the "individual donors" thing. Not about the increase from Minnesota individual donors, but about the individual contributions of out-of-state donors.

When I looked at the name of individual donors, I recognized some of them--because they were famous names in evangelical conservative circles. Two that I remember off the top of my head were Phyllis Schlafly and Howard Phillips. They are famous conservative activists who made contributions of around in "the hundreds of dollars" numbers.

They're also members of an organization called the Council for National Policy. (There were other names on the list that I recognized as CNP members.) The CNP was and is a very powerful force in the Republican Party. The membership list is secret, but some members are known to the public because they attend CNP events. (Bachmann attends CNP events.) If you name someone that you know is a player in national conservative politics, (for example James Dobson or Pat Robertson or Ralph Reed)--the chances are that they are in the CNP. The membership is not restricted to high profile televangelist types, though--the Coors family of Colorado, Oliver North, Tom DeLay and other conservative Republican figures are probably members. So are the directors of Salem Communications, which runs a chain of about 99 evangelical radio stations in markets all over the country.

Part of what the CNP does is vet candidates for the Republican Party. Nearly all the Republican presidential contenders in the last election went in person to address the CNP and seek its support (McCain, Thompson, etc.) Failure to obtain CNP support is a kind of death sentence for a Republican presidential candidacy.

I'm telling you the preceding to give you an idea of how important and influential this organization is, in American politics. It's my opinion that the CNP had been grooming Bachmann for a congressional run long before she announced her candidacy. They enter election process at local levels where evangelical conservatives are strong in the district. They identify proteges and advise and promote them. (Bachmann's political candidacies, from her first school board race to her re-election last year, have received heavy promotion on one of the local Salem radio stations, KKMS 980 AM. They also broadcast her Ten Commandments rally and hugely successful stop gay marriage rallies in St. Paul. KKMS is owned by Salem, whose directors are CNP--you see the point I'm making.)

Another way that the CNP arranges support for its proteges is by sending money to them in the form of campaign contributions. I believe that a lot of the local and out-of-state "individual contributors" to Bachmann's political campaigns made the donations at the behest of the CNP, in accordance with its long-term strategy of finding and promoting candidates who will represent its agenda in public. How else to explain the presence of out-of-state CNP names on a list of donors to an unimportant backwater Republican in Minnesota, three years ago?

The problem with this CNP grooming thing is that most of the local voters didn't know and still don't know that these local Republican candidates are beholden to an out-of-state, national theocratic organization. Stealth is a part of the strategy. A CNP political protege like Bachmann is advised to run as "Reagan Republican," not as an "evangelical conservative"--the ties to the national organization are not mentioned, probably for fear of alienating voters who might have qualms about voting for a protege of a national, out-of-state sectarian political movement. The professional media are still clueless about Bachmann's ties to this national organization; they don't want to discuss the CNP's intervention here in Minnesota and the CNP isn't likely to advertise it.

 


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